SOCIALISM: 
 
                         UTOPIAN AND SCIENTIFIC 
 
                           by Frederick Engels 
 
                              Written 1877 
 
Published as a separate pamphlet        This etext accords with the text 
in French at Paris in 1880, in         of the authorized English edition 
German at Zurich in 1882, and at                                of 1892. 
Berlin in 1891, and in English  
at London in 1892. 
 
 
                                  NOTES 
 
[1]  NOTE BY ENGELS: This is the passage of the French Revolution: 
 
         "Thought, the concept of law, all at once made itself felt, and 
         against this the old scaffolding of wrong could make no stand.  
         In this conception of law, therefore, a constitution has now 
         been established, and henceforth everything must be cased upon 
         this.  Since the Sun had been in the firmament, and the planets 
         circled around him, the sight had never been seen of man 
         standing upon his head -- i.e., on the Idea -- and building 
         reality after this image.  Anaxagoras first said that the Nous, 
         reason, rules the world; but now, for the first time, had men 
         come to recognize that the Idea must rule the mental reality.  
         And this was a magnificent sunrise.  All thinking Beings have 
         participated in celebrating this holy day.  A sublime emotion 
         swayed men at that time, an enthusiasm of reason pervaded the 
         world, as if now had come the reconciliation of the Divine 
         Principle with the world." 
 
                       [Hegel: "The Philosophy of history", 1840, p.535] 
 
     Is it not high time to set the anti-Socialist law in action against 
     such teachings, subversive and to the common danger, by the late 
     Professor Hegel? 
 
[2]  LEVELLERS: Name applied to the urban and rural plebian elements 
     which advanced the most radical democratic demands during the 
     Revolution of 1648 in England.  
 
[3]  Engels refers here to the works of the utopian Socialists Thomas 
     More (16th century) and Tommaso Campanella (17th century).  
 
[4]  NOTE BY ENGELS: From _The Revolution in Mind and Practice_, p.21, 
     a memorial addressed to all the "red Republicans, Communists and 
     Socialists of Europe", and sent to the provisional government of 
     France, 1848, and also "to Queen Victoria and her responsible 
     advisers." 
 
[5]  NOTE BY ENGELS: Note, l. c., p.22. 
 
[6]  The Alexandrian period of the development of science comprises the 
     period extending from the 3rd century B.C. to the 17th century 
     A.D.  It derives its name from the town of Alexandria in Egypt, 
     which was one of the most important centres of international 
     economic intercourses at that time.  In the Alexandrian period, 
     mathematics (Euclid and Archimedes), geography, astronomy, anatomy, 
     physiology, etc., attained considerable development.  
 
[7]  Mephistopheles in Goethe's _Faust_. 
 
[8]  NOTE BY ENGELS: It is hardly necessary in this connection to  
     point out that, even if the form of appropriation remains the same, 
     the _character_ of the appropriation is just as much revolutionized 
     as production is by the changes described above.  It is, of course, 
     a very different matter whether I appropriate to myself my own 
     product or that of another.  Note in passing that wage-labor, which 
     contains the whole capitalist mode of production in embryo, is very 
     ancient; in a sporadic, scattered form, it existed for centuries 
     alongside slave-labor.  But the embryo could duly develop into the 
     capitalistic mode of production only when the necessary historical 
     pre-conditions had been furnished.  
 
[9]  NOTE BY ENGELS: "The Conditions of the Working-Class in England" -- 
     Sonnenschein & Co., p.84.  
 
[10] NOTE BY ENGELS: I say "have to".  For only when the means of 
     production and distribution have _actually_ outgrown the form of 
     management by joint-stock companies, and when, therefore, the 
     taking them over by the State has become _economically_ inevitable, 
     only then -- even if it is the State of today that effects this -- 
     is there an economic advance, the attainment of another step 
     preliminary to the taking over of all productive forces by society 
     itself.  But of late, since Bismarck went in for State-ownership of 
     industrial establishments, a kind of spurious Socialism has arisen, 
     degenerating, now and again, into something of flunkyism, that 
     without more ado declares _all_ State-ownership, even of the 
     Bismarkian sort, to be socialistic.  Certainly, if the taking over 
     by the State of the tobacco industry is socialistic, then Napoleon 
     and Metternich must be numbered among the founders of Socialism.  
 
     If the Belgian State, for quite ordinary political and financial 
     reasons, itself constructed its chief railway lines; if Bismarck, 
     not under any economic compulsion, took over for the State the 
     chief Prussian lines, simply to be the better able to have them in 
     hand in case of war, to bring up the railway employees as voting 
     cattle for the Government, and especially to create for himself a 
     new source of income independent of parliamentary votes -- this 
     was, in no sense, a socialistic measure, directly or indirectly, 
     consciously or unconsciously.  Otherwise, the Royal Maritime 
     Company, the Royal porcelain manufacture, and even the regimental 
     tailor of the army would also be socialistic institutions, or even, 
     as was seriously proposed by a sly dog in Frederick William III's 
     reign, the taking over by the State of the brothels.  
 
[11] NOTE BY ENGELS: A few figures may serve to give an approximate idea 
     of the enormous expansive force of the modern means of production, 
     even under capitalist pressure.  According to Mr.  Giffen, the 
     total wealth of Great Britain and Ireland amounted, in round 
     numbers in 
 
          1814 to 2,200,000,000 pounds, 
          1865 to 6,100,000,000 pounds, 
          1875 to 8,500,000,000 pounds. 
 
     As an instance of the squandering of means of production and of 
     products during a crisis, the total loss in the German iron 
     industry alone, in the crisis of 1873-78, was given at the second 
     German Industrial Congress (Berlin, February 21, 1878), as 
     22,750,000 pounds.  
 
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